Hewatt, Alexander, An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, Volumes I and II (1779)
ABOUT the same time a traffic in the human species called Negroes
was introduced into England; which is one
of the most odious and unnatural branches of trade the sordid and avaricious
mind of mortals ever invented. It had indeed been carried on
before this period by Genoese traders, who bought a patent from Charles the
fifth, containing an exclusive right of carrying negroes from the Portuguese
settlements in Africa, to America and the West Indies; but the English nation
had not yet engaged in the iniquitous traffic. As it has since been deeply
concerned in it, and as the province, the transaction's of which I narrate,
owes its improvements almost entirely to this hardy race of labourers, it may
not be improper here to give some account of the origin and first inventor of
this trade.
Origins of Black Slavery
WILLIAM HAWKINS, an expert English feaman, having made several
voyages to the coast of Guinea, and from thence to Brazil and the West Indies,
had acquired considerable knowledge of the countries. At his death he left his
journals with his son John Hawkins, in which he described the lands of Ameriса
and the West Indies to be exceedingly rich and fertile, but utterly neglected
for want of hands to improve them. He represented the natives of Europe as
unequal to the task in such a scorching climate; but those of Africa as well
adapted to undergo the labours requisite. Upon which John Hawkins immediately
formed a design of transporting Africans into the western world; and having
drawn a plan for the execution of it, he laid it before some of his opulent
neighbours for encouragement and approbation,
To them it appeared promising and advantageous. A subscription was
opened, and speedily filled up, by Sir Lionel Ducket, Sir Thomas Lodge, Sir
William Winter and others, who plainly perceived the vast profits that would
result from such a trade. Accordingly three ships were fitted out, and manned
by an hundred select sailors, whom Hawkins encouraged to go with him by promises
of good treatment and great pay. In the year 1562 he set sail for Africa, and
in a few weeks arrived at the country now called Sierra Leona, where he began
his commerce with the negroes. While he trafficked with them, he found some
means of giving them a charming defcription of the country to which he was
bound; the unsuspi cious Africans listened to him with apparent joy, and satisfaction,
and seemed remarkably fond of his Eu ropean trinkets, food and clothes. He
pointed out to them the barrenness of the country, and their naked and wretched
condition, and promised, if any of them were weary of their miserable circum stances,
and would go along with him, he would carry them to a plentiful land, where
they should live happy, and receive an abundant recompense for their labours.
He told them, that the country was inhabited by such men as himself and his
jovial companions, and assured them of kind usage and great friendship. In short,
the negroes were overcome by his flattering promises, and three hundred stout
fellows accepted his offer, and consented to embark along with him.
Everything being settled on the most amicable terms between them,
Hawkins made preparations for his voyage. But in the night before his departure,
his negroes were attacked by a large body from a different quarter; Hawkins,
being alarmed with the shrieks and cries of dying persons, ordered his men to
the assistance of his slaves, and having surrounded the assailants, carried a
number of them on board as prisoners of war. The next day he set fail for Hispaniola
with his cargo of human creatures; but, during the passage, treated the prisoners
of war in a different manner from his volunteers. Upon his arrival he disposed
of his cargo to great advantage; and endeavoured to inculcate on the Spaniards
who bought the negroes the same distinction he observed : but they, having
purchased all at the same rate, considered them as slaves of the same condition,
and consequently treated all alike. When Hawkins returned to England with
pearls, hides, sugar and ginger, which he had received in exchange for his slaves,
multitudes flocked after him, to inquire into the nature, and learn the success
of the new and extraordinary branch of trade.
At first the nation was shocked at the unnatural trade of dealing
in human flesh, and bartering the commodities and trinkets of Europe for the
rational race of Africa. The queen, though a patroness of commerce, was
doubtful of the justice and humanity of this this new branch, it appearing to
her equally barbarous as uncommon, and therefore fent for Hawkin's to inquire
into his method of conducting it. Hawkins told her, that he considered it as an
act of humanity to carry men from a worse condition to a better, from a state
of wild barbarism to another where they might share the blessings of civil society
and Christianity; from poverty, nakedness and want to plenty and felicity. He assured
her, that in no expedition where he had the command ihould any Africans be
carried away without their own free will and consent, except such captives as
were taken in war and doomed to death; that he had no scruple about the justice
of bringing human creatures from that barren wilderness, to a condition where
they might be both happy themselves and beneficial to the world. Indeed it would appear that Hawkins had no idea of perpetual
slavery, but expected they would be treated as free sérvants, after they had by
their labours brought their masters an equivalent for the expence of their
purchase. Queen Elizabeth seemed satisfied with his account, and dismissed
him, by declaring, that while he and his owners acted with humanity and justice,
they should have her countenance and protection.
...
Hence arose that horrid and
inhuman practice of dragging Africans into slavery; which has since been so pursued,
in defiance of every principle of justice and religion. Though Hawkins was the
first English man who engaged in this traffic, so repugnant to the spirit of
the English constitution; though he made use of such fraudulent arts even in
his first method of conducting it, as few men can have the assurance to
vindicate; yet, as he was a man of prudence and humanity, he is no ways
chargeable with those diabolical abuses which have since crept into this trade
But, according to the common mode in which it
has been conducted, we must confess it a difficult matter to conceive a single
argument in its defence. It is contrary to all laws of nature and nations to
entice, inveigle and compel such multitudes of human creatures, who never
injured us, from their native land, and dispose of them like flocks of sheep
and cattle to the highest bidder; and, what compleats the cruelty and injustice
of the traffic, to consign them over to ignorance, barbarisın, and perpetual
Navery. After this, where will insatiable avarice stop? As a free and
independent people, they had unquestionably an equal right to make slaves of
the inhabitants of Europe. Nature has given the people of the one continent no
superiority over those of the other; the advantages of Europeans were the
effects only of art and improvement. And though poliсу has given countenance
and sanction to the trade, yet every candid and impartial man must confess,
that it is atrocious and unjustifiable in every light in which it can be
viewed, and turns merchants into a band of robbers, and trade into atrocious
acts of fraud and violence.
-----------
Vol. II [Speaking of the Stono Rebellion]
Nor was this the only concealed effort of Spanish policy, another
of a more dangerous nature soon followed in Carolina, which might have been
attended with much more bloody and fatal effects. At this time there were above forty thousand negroes in the province, a
fierce, hardy and strong race, whose constitutions were adapted to the warm
climate, whose nerves were braced with constant labour, and who could scarcely
be supposed to be contented with that oppressive yoke under which they groaned.
Long had liberty and protection been promised and proclaimed to them by the
Spaniards at Augustine, nor were all the negroes in the province strangers to
the proclamation. At different times Spanish emissaries had been
found secretly tampering with them, and persuading them to fly from slavery to
Florida, and several had made their escape to that settlement. Of these negro
refugees the Governor of Florida had formed a regiment, appointing officers
from among themselves, allowing them the same pay and clothing them in the same
uniform with the regular Spanish soldiers. The most sensible part of the slaves
in Carolina were not ignorant of this Spanish regiment, for whenever they run
away from their masters, they constantly directed their course to this quarter.
To no place could negro serjeants be sent for enlisting men where they could
have a better prospect of success. Two Spaniards were caught in Georgia, and
committed to jail, for enticing slaves to leave Carolina and join this
regiment. Five negroes, who were cattle hunters at Indian Land, some of whom
belonged to Captain McPherson, after wounding his son and killing another man,
made their escape. Several more attempting to get away were taken, tried, and
hanged at Charlestown.
[Sidenote] A negro insurrection in Carolina.
While Carolina was kept in a state of constant
fear and agitation from this quarter, an insurrection openly broke out in the
heart of the settlement which alarmed the whole province. A
number of negroes having assembled together at Stono, first surprised and
killed two young men in a warehouse, and then plundered it of guns and
ammunition. Being thus provided with arms, they elected one of their number
captain, and agreed to follow him, marching towards the south-west with colours
flying and drums beating, like a disciplined company. They forcibly entered the
house of Mr. Godfrey, and having murdered him, his wife, and children, they
took all the arms he had in it, set fire to the house, and then proceeded
towards Jacksonsburgh. In their way they plundered and burnt every house, among
which were those of Sacheveral, Nash, and Spry, killing every white person they
found in them, and compelling the negroes to join them.
Governor Bull returning to Charlestown from the southward, met
them, and, observing them armed, quickly rode out of their way. He spread the alarm, which soon reached the
Presbyterian church at Wiltown, where Archibald Stobo was preaching to a
numerous congregation of planters in that quarter. By a law of the province all
planters were obliged to carry their arms to church, which at this critical
juncture proved a very useful and necessary regulation. The women
were left in church trembling with fear while the militia, under the command of
Captain Bee, marched in quest of the negroes, who by this time had become
formidable from the number that joined them. They had marched above twelve
miles, and spread desolation through all the plantations in their way. Having
found rum in some houses, and drank freely of it, they halted in an open field,
and began to sing and dance, by way of triumph. During these rejoicings the
militia discovered them, and stationed themselves in different places around
them, to prevent them from making their escape. The intoxication of several of the
slaves favoured the assailants. One party advanced into the open field and
attacked them, and, having killed some negroes, the remainder took to the
woods, and were dispersed. Many ran back to their plantations, in hopes of
escaping suspicion from the absence of their masters; but the greater part were
taken and tried. Such as had been compelled to join them contrary to their
inclination were pardoned, but all the chosen leaders and first insurgents
suffered death.
All Carolina was struck with terror and consternation by this
insurrection, in which above twenty persons were murdered before it was
quelled, and had not the people in that quarter been fortunately collected
together at church, it is probable many more would have suffered. Or had it
become general, the whole colony must have fallen a sacrifice to their great
power and indiscriminate fury. It was commonly believed, and not without
reason, that the Spaniards were deeply concerned in promoting the mischief, and
by their secret influence and intrigues with slaves had instigated them to this
massacre. Having already four companies of negroes in their service, by
penetrating into Carolina, and putting the province into confusion, they might
no doubt have raised many more. But, to prevent farther attempts, Governor Bull
sent an express to General Oglethorpe with advice of the insurrection, desiring
him to double his vigilance in Georgia, and seize all straggling Spaniards and
negroes. In consequence of which a proclamation was issued to stop all slaves
found in that province, offering a reward for every one they might catch
attempting to run off. At the same time a company of rangers were employed to
patrole the frontiers, and block up all passages by which they might make their
escape to Florida.
------------
That slavery has been practiced by many of the
most civilized nations in the world, is indeed a truth evident from the history
of them. In war the conquerors were supposed to have a right to the life of
their captives, insomuch that they might kill, torture or enslave them, as they
thought proper. Yet, though war may be justifiable on the principles of
self-preservation and defence, it is no easy matter to vindicate the
conqueror's right to murder or enslave a disarmed enemy.
Slavery in general, like several other
enormities, ought to be ascribed to the corruption and avarice of men, rather
than to any principles of nature and humanity, which evidently testify against
it; and that vindication which is drawn from the custom and practice of ancient
nations in favour of such an institution, is equally applicable to many other
enormities which are a shame and disgrace to human nature. Helpless children
have been exposed to the fury of wild beasts; pride and ambition have spread
their desolations far and wide; but such practices are not therefore humane and
just. That many nations have encouraged slavery, and that the remains of it are
still observable among the freest of them, are argument which none will plead
for their honour and credit. That species of servitude which still remains in
Britain among the labourers in the coal mines, &c. is very different from
that to which the natives of Africa are subjected in the western world; because
such labourers voluntarily enter on such servitude, they acquire wages as their
reward, and both their persons and properties are under the protection of the
laws of the realm.
Upon the slightest
reflection all men must confess, that those Africans, whom the powers of Europe
have conspired to enslave, are by nature equally free and independent, equally
susceptible of pain and pleasure, equally averse from bondage and misery, as
Europeans themselves. Like all rude nations, they have a strong attachment to
their native country, and to those friends and relations with whom they spent
the early years of life. By this trade being torn from those nearest
connections, and transported to a distant land, it is no easy thing to describe
the uneasiness and pain they must endure from such violence and banishment.
During the passage being loaded with irons, and cooped up in a ship, oppressed
with the most gloomy apprehensions, many of them sicken and die through fear
and regret. The provisions made for the voyage by the merchants and masters of
ships, who consult their worldly interest more than the dictates of humanity,
we may be sure are neither of the best kind, nor distributed among them in the
most plentiful manner. After their arrival they are sold and delivered over to
the colonists, to whose temper, language and manners they are utter strangers;
where their situation for some time, in case of harsh usage, is little better
than that of the dumb beasts, having no language but groans in which they can
express their pains, nor any friend to pity or relieve them. Some destroy
themselves through despair, and from a persuasion they fondly entertain, that,
after death, they will return to their beloved friends and native country.
[Sidenote] The hardships of their situation.
After the sale the purchasers become vested
with the absolute property of them, according to the laws, usages, and customs
of the trade, and whatever hardships are thereby imposed on those foreigners,
the planters are so far excusable, having the sanction of the supreme
legislature for the purchase they make. The laws of England, from necessity or
expediency, have permitted such labourers to be imported among them; and
therefore, on their part, the purchase, however injurious, cannot be
illegal.
Having acquired this kind of property, it then
lies with the colonists to frame laws and regulations for the future management
of their slaves. In doing this, absolute obedience and non-resistance are
fundamental principles established for the government of them, and enforced by
the severest penalties. All laws framed with respect to them, give their
masters such authority over them as is under few limitations. Their power of
correction may be said to be only not allowed to extend to death. However
severely beat and abused, no negro can bring an action against his owner, or
appear as an evidence against white men, in any court of law or justice. Their
natural rights as human creatures are entirely disregarded, and punishments are
commonly inflicted according to the will of their master, however cruel and
barbarous his disposition may be.
A common place of correction is instituted, to
which they are sent to receive such a number of stripes as their owners shall
order, and such blunders have been committed in giving and executing those
orders, that the innocent sometimes have suffered along with the guilty. In
short, such is their miserable condition, that they are exposed defenceless to
the insolence, caprice, and passions of owners, obliged to labour all their
life without any prospect of reward, or any hope of an end of their toil until
the day of their death. At the decease of their masters they descend, like
other estates of inheritance, to the heir at law, and sometimes to thoughtless
and giddy youth, habituated from their earliest days to treat them like brutes.
At other times, no doubt, they are more fortunate, but their condition of life
evidently subjects them to harsh usage even from the best of masters, and we
leave the world to judge what they have to expect from the worst.
Indeed it must be acknowledged, in justice to the planters
of Carolina in general, that they treat their slaves with as much, and perhaps
more tenderness, than those of any British colony where slavery exists; yet a
disinterested stranger must observe, even among the best of masters, several
instances of cruelty and negligence in the manner of managing their
slaves.
[Mistreatment in the West Indies]
Comparatively speaking, they are well clothed and fed in that
province, which while they continue in health fits and qualifies them for their
task. When they happen to fall sick, they are carefully attended by a
physician; in which respect their condition is better than that of the poorest
class of labourers in Europe.
But in the West Indies, we have been told, they
are both covered with rags and have a scanty portion of provisions allowed
them, in which case urgent necessity and pinching hunger must often urge them
to pilfer, and commit many injuries to which otherwise they would have no
inclination, and for which they incur severe punishment.
In cases of violence
and murder committed on these wretched creatures, it is next to impossible to
have the delinquents brought to punishment; for either the grand jury refuse to
find the bill, or the petty jury bring in the verdict not guilty. When they are
tempted to fly to the woods to shun severe labour or punishment then they may
be hunted down or shot as wild beasts. When whipped to death, the murderer,
after all, is only subjected to an inconsiderable fine, or a short
imprisonment, by the provincial laws. It is impossible that the Author of
nature ever intended human beings for such a wretched fate; for surely he who
gave life, gave also an undoubted right to the means of self-preservation and
happiness, and all the common rights and privileges of nature.
But there is another circumstance which renders their case still
more wretched and deplorable. Good masters and mistresses, whose humanity and a
sense of interest will not permit them to treat their negroes in a harsh
manner, do not always reside at their plantations. Many planters have several
settlements at considerable distances from the place where they usually live,
which they visit perhaps only three or four times in a year. In their absence
the charge of negroes is given to overseers, many of whom are ignorant and
cruel, and all totally disinterested in the welfare of their charge. In such a
case it can scarcely be expected that justice will be equally dispensed, or
punishments properly inflicted. The negroes, however, lay entirely at the mercy
of such men, and such monsters they sometimes are, as can inflict misery in
sport, and hear the groans extorted from nature with laughter and
triumph.
All slaves under their care must yield absolute obedience to their
orders, however unreasonable and difficult, or suffer punishment for their
disobedience. It would rouze the anguish and indignation of a humane person to
stand by while a puny overseer chastises those slaves, and behold with what
piercing stripes he furrows the back of an able negro, whose greatness of soul
will not suffer him to complain, and whose strength could crush his tormentor
to atoms. The unmerciful whip with which they are chastised is made of
cow-skin, hardened, twisted, and tapering, which brings the blood with every
blow, and leaves a scar on their naked back which they carry with them to their
grave. At the arbitrary will of such managers, many of them with hearts of
adamant, this unfortunate race are brought to the post of correction, often no
doubt through malice and wantonness, often for the most trifling offences, and
sometimes, O horrid! when entirely innocent. Can it be deemed wonderful, that
such unhappy creatures should now and then be tempted to assert the rights of
nature? Must not such harsh usage often fire them with desires of liberty and
vengeance? What can be expected but that they should sometimes give those
oppressors grounds of fear, who have subjected them to such intolerable
hardships.
But from those labourers in the field the colonials have perhaps
less danger to dread, than from the number of tradesmen and mechanics in towns,
and domestic slaves. Many negroes discover great capacities, and an amazing
aptness for learning trades, where dangerous tools are used; and many owners,
from motives of profit and advantage, breed them to be coopers, carpenters,
bricklayers, smiths, and other trades. Out of mere ostentation the colonists
also keep a number of them about their families, who attend their tables, and
hear their conversation, which very often turns upon their own various arts,
plots, and assassinations. From such open and imprudent conversation those
domestics may no doubt take dangerous hints, which, on a fair opportunity, may
be applied to their owners hurt. They have also easy access to fire arms, which
gives them a double advantage for mischief. When they are of a passionate and
revengeful disposition, such domestic slaves seldom want an opportunity of
striking a sudden blow, and avenging themselves, in case of ill usage, by
killing or poisoning their owners. Such crimes have often been committed in the
colonies, and punished; and there is reason to believe they have also
frequently happened, when they have passed undiscovered. Prudence and
self-preservation strongly dictate to the Carolineans the necessity of guarding
against those dangers which arise from domestic slaves, many of whom are idle,
cunning and deceitful.
[Sidenote] Oppressed with ignorance and superstition.
In other respects the policy of the colonists,
with respect to the management and treatment of slaves is extremely defective.
The hardships to which their bodies are exposed, would be much more tolerable
and justifiable, were any provision made for civilizing and improving their
minds. But how grievous their circumstances when we consider, that, together
with their bodily toil and misery, they are also kept in heathen ignorance and
darkness, destitute of the means of instruction, and excluded in a manner from
the pale of the Christian church. Humanity places every
rational creature upon a level, and gives all an equal title those rights of
nature, which are essential to life and happiness. Christianity breathes a
spirit of benevolence, gentleness, and compassion for mankind in general, of
what nation or complexion soever they be. As government has tolerated and
established slavery in the plantations, the supreme charge of these creatures
may be regarded rather as a national than a provincial concern. Being members
of a great empire, living under its supreme care and jurisdiction, and
contributing to the increase of trade and commerce, to the improvement and
opulence of the British dominions, they are unquestionably entitled to a share
of national benevolence and Christian charity. An institution for their
religious instruction was an object of such usefulness and importance, that it
merited the attention of the supreme legislature; and the expence of a few
superb and perhaps empty churches in England, would certainly have been better
employed in erecting some neat buildings in the plantations for this beneficial
purpose. To such an institution the merchants of Britain, especially those who
owe a great part of their opulence to the labours of Africans, and whose plea
for the trade was the bringing them within the pale of the Christian church,
ought certainly to have contributed in the most liberal manner. The profits of
the trade, abstracting from other considerations, could well admit of it; but
every principle of compassion for the ignorant, the poor, and the unfortunate,
powerfully dictates the same duty, the neglect of which, to every impartial
judge, must appear in a very inexcusable and criminal light.
Masters of slaves under the French and Spanish jurisdictions, are
obliged by law to allow them time for instruction, and to bring them up in the
knowledge and practice of the Catholic religion. Is it not a reproach to the
subjects of Britain, who profess to be the freest and most civilized people
upon earth, that no provision is made for this purpose, and that they suffer so
many thousands of these creatures, residing in the British dominions, to live
and die the slaves of ignorance and superstition? How can they expect the
blessing of heaven on the riches flowing from their foreign plantations, when
they are at no pains to introduce those objects of their care to the knowledge
of the true God, and to make them partakers of the benefits and hopes of
Christianity.
The advantages of religion, like the other gifts of heaven,
ought to be free and common as the air we breathe to every human creature,
capable of making a proper use and improvement of them. To the honour of the
society for the propagation of the Gospel it must indeed be acknowledged, that
they have made some efforts for the conversion and instruction of those
heathens. Not many years ago they had no less than twelve missionaries in
Carolina, who had instructions to give all the assistance in their power for
this laudable purpose, and to each of whom they allowed fifty pounds a-year,
over and above their provincial salaries. But it is well known, that the fruit
of their labours has been very small and inconsiderable. Such feeble exertions
were no ways equal to the extent of the work required, nor to the greatness of
the end proposed. Whether their small success ought to be ascribed to the rude
and untractable dispositions of the negroes, to the discouragements and
obstructions thrown in the way by their owners, or to the negligence and
indolence of the missionaries themselves we cannot pretend to determine.
Perhaps we may venture to assert, that it has been more or less owing to all
these different causes. One thing is very certain, that the negroes of that
country, a few only excepted, are to this day as great strangers to
Christianity, and as much under the influence of Pagan darkness, idolatry and
superstition, as they were at their first arrival from Africa.
But, though neglected by the British nation, they are entitled to
a share of the common privileges of humanity and Christianity, from their
provincial owners. It is their duty and interest to use slaves with tenderness
and compassion, and render them as happy and contented as their situation will
admit. Were they to allow them certain portions of time from their labours of
body for the improvement of their mind, and open the way for, and provide the
means of instruction, would not kind usage be productive of many beneficial
effects? The loss of labour none but avaricious wretches would grudge, and the
day of rest allotted for man and beast since the beginning of the world, and
properly improved for that purpose, might of itself be attended with good
consequences; whereas, to encourage them to labour on that day for themselves,
is not only robbing them of the opportunities of instruction, but abusing the
Sunday, by making it to them the most laborious day of the week.
It would
strike a stranger with astonishment and indignation, to hear the excuses
planters make for this criminal neglect. Some will tell you they are beings of
an inferior rank, and little exalted above brute creatures; that they have no
souls, and therefore no concern need be taken about their salvation. Others
affirm, that they would become more expert in vice by being taught, and greater
knaves by being made Christians. But such advocates for heathen ignorance and
barbarism merit no serious notice, being enemies to all improvements in human
nature, and all the benefits resulting to society from civilization and
Christianity.
Certain it is, the inhabitants of Africa have the same faculties
with those of Europe. Their minds are equally capable of cultivation, equally
susceptible of the impressions of religion. Ridiculous is it to imagine, that
the black tincture of their skin, or the barbarous state in which they were
there found, can make any material alteration. Though fortune has put the
former under the power of the latter, and assigned them the portion of
perpetual labour to procure the mere luxuries of life for other men; yet, if
such a traffic be reasonable and just, there is no crime negroes can commit
that may not be defended and justified upon the same principles.
If Europe, to
obtain sugar, rum, rice, and tobacco, has a right to enslave Africa; surely
Africa, if she had the power, has a much better right to rob Europe of those
commodities, the fruits of her children's labour. Every argument that can be
brought in support of the institution of slavery, tends to the subversion of
justice and morality in the world. The best treatment possible from the
colonists cannot compensate for so great a loss. Freedom, in its meanest
circumstances, is infinitely preferable to slavery, though it were in golden
fetters, and accompanied with the greatest splendour, ease, and abundance
If then the greatest advantages are not a sufficient compensation
for the loss of liberty, what shall we think of those who deny them the
smallest? But one would imagine that, exclusive of every other motive, personal
safety would even induce the colonists to provide for them those advantages
which would render them as easy and contented as possible with their condition.
Were they duly impressed with a sense of their duty to God and man; were they
taught the common rules of honesty, justice, and truth; were their dispositions
to humility, submission, and obedience, cultivated and improved; would not such
advantages place them more on a level with hired servants, who pay a ready and
cheerful obedience to their masters? Were they favoured with the privileges of
Christianity, would they not be more faithful and diligent, and better
reconciled to their servile condition? Besides, Christianity has a tendency to
tame fierce and wild tempers. It is not an easy thing to display the great and
extensive influence which the fear of God, and the expectation of a future
account, would have upon their minds: Christianity enforces the obligations of
morality, and produces a more regular and uniform obedience to its laws. A due
sense of the divine presence, the hopes of his approbation, and the fears of
his displeasure, are motives that operate powerfully with the human mind, and
in fact would prove stronger barriers against trespasses, murders, plots, and
conspiracies, than any number of stripes from the hands of men, or even the
terrors of certain death. Whereas, to keep the minds of human creatures under
clouds of darkness, neither disciplined by reason, nor regulated by religion,
is a reproach to the name of Protestants, especially in a land of Christian
light and liberty.
Sundays and holidays are indeed allowed the negroes in Carolina,
the former cannot consistent with the laws be denied them; the latter, as they
are commonly spent are nuisances to the province. Holidays there are days of
idleness, riot, wantonness and excess; in which the slaves assemble together in
alarming crowds, for the purposes of dancing, feasting and merriment. At such
seasons the inhabitants have the greatest reason to dread mischief from them;
when let loose from their usual employments, they have fair opportunities of
hatching plots and conspiracies, and of executing them with greater facility,
from the intemperance of their owners and overseers.
After all, it must be confessed, that the freemen of Carolina
themselves were for many years in a destitute condition with respect to
religious instruction; partly owing to their own poverty and the unhealthiness
of the climate, and partly owing to troubles and divisions subsisting among
them during the proprietary government. At that time the first object of their
concern would no doubt be to provide for themselves and their children: but
since the province has been taken under the royal care, their circumstances in
every respect have changed for the better, insomuch that they are not only able
to provide instruction for themselves and families, but also to extend the
benefit to those living in a state of servitude among them. Now they are
arrived to such an easy and flourishing situation, as renders their neglect
entirely without excuse. The instruction of negroes would no doubt be a
difficult, but by no means an impracticable undertaking, and the more difficult
the end, the more praise and merit would be due to those who should effectually
accomplish it.
Even the Catholics of Spain pitied the miserable condition of
negroes living among the protestant colonies, and to induce them to revolt,
proffered them the advantages of liberty and religion at Augustine. Is it not a
shame to a Protestant nation to keep such a number of human creatures so long
among them, beings of the same nature, subjects of the same government, who
have souls to be saved, and capable of being eternally happy or miserable in a
future world, not only in a miserable state of slavery, but also of pagan
darkness and superstition. What could be expected from creatures thus doomed to
endless labour, and deprived of the natural rights of humanity and the
privileges of Christianity, but that they should snatch at the least glimmering
hopes and prospects of a better state, and give their task-masters reason to
dread, that they would lay hold of some opportunity of forcing their way to
it.
This inexcusable negligence with respect to them may be considered
of itself as no small source of danger to the colonists, as the hazard is
greater from savage and ferocious, than mild and civilized dispositions, and,
as the restraints of terror and temporal punishments are less constant and
powerful than those of conscience and religion. The political and commercial
connection subsisting between the mother country and the colonies, makes the
charge of negroes, in reason and justice, to fall equally upon both. And
whatever other men may think, we are of opinion, that an institution for their
instruction was an object of the highest consequence, and that, by all the laws
of God and man, that nation which brought this unfortunate race into such a
situation, was bound to consult both their temporal and eternal felici
