Pastor Alexander Hewat on Causes of the Revolution

Hewatt, Alexander, An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, Volumes I and II (1779)

 

Such, at this period, was the happy situation of the people and province of South Carolina ; safe under the royal care and protection, and advancing to an opulent state by the unlimited credit and great indul gence granted by Britain. However, if we proceed a little farther, we shall see the face of things gradually changing. We shall behold the mother country, as wealth of her colonies increased, attempting some alteration in their political and commercial system:  and the different provinces, infected with pride and ambition, aspiring after independence. Let us take a flight view of the causes of that unhappy quarrel which at this time began between them, and after wards proceeded to such a degree of violence as to threaten a total diffolution of all political union and commercial intercourse.

It might have been expected that those colonies would not soon forget their obligations to the mother country, by which they had been so long cherished and defended. As all the colonies were in themselves so many independent focieties, and as in every state protection and allegiance are reciprocal and inseparable duties, one would have thought that subjects would yield obedience to the laws, and submission to the authority of that government under which they claimed protection.

Such was the constitution of the provinces, that each, by its own legislature, could only regulate the internal police within the bounds of its erritory. Thus far, and no farther, did its autho thority extend. Not one of them could either make or execute regulations binding upon another. They had no common council, empowered by the constitu tion, to act for and to bind all, though perhaps good policy now required the establishment of such a council, for the purpose of raising a revenue from them. Every member of the valt empire might perceive, that some common tax, regularly and impartially imposed, in proportion to the strength of each division, was necef fary to the future defence and protection of the whole. In particular, the people of Great Britain, when they looked forward to the possible contingency of a new war, and considered the burdens under which they groaned, had a melancholy and dreadful prospect be fore them ; and the parliament considered it as their indispensible duty to relieve them as much as possible, and provide for the safety of the state by a proportionable charge on all its subjects. For as the exemption of one part from this equal charge was unrcalonable and unjust, so it might tend to alienatę the hearts of these subjects residing in one corner of the empire from those in another, and destroy that union and harmony in which the strength of the whole consisted. Such were probably the views and designs of the parliament of Great Britain at this juncture, with respect to America. At the same time, if we confi der the genius, temper and circumstances of the Americans, we will find them jealous of their liber. ties, proud of their strength, and fenfible of their importance to Britain. They had hitherto obeyed the laws of the British parliament ; but their great distance, their vast extent of territory, their nume rous ports and conveniencies for trade, their increaf ing numbers, their various productions, and conse quently their growing power, had now prepared and enabled them for resisting such laws as they deemed inconsistent with their interest, or dangerous to their liberty. Some of these colonists even inherited a na tural aversion to monarchy from their forefathers, and on all occasions discovered a strong tendency to wards a repriblican form of government, both in church and state. So that, before the parliament began to exert its authority for raising a revenue from them, they were prepared to thew their importance, and well disposed for resisting that fupreme power, and loosening by degrees their connection with the parent state.

AMERICA was not only sensible of her growing strength and importance, but also of the weakness of the mother country, reduced by a tedious and expensive war, and groaning under an immense load of national debt. The colonies boasted of the affiftance they had given during the war, and Great Britain, sensible of their services, was generous enough to reimburse thern part of the expences which they had incurred. After this they began to over-rate their importance, to rise in their demands, and to think so highly of their trade and alliance, as to deem it im. poflible for Britain to support her credit without them. In vain did the mother country rely upon their gra titude for past favours, so as to expect relief with respect to her present burdens.

We allow, that the first generation of emigrants retained some affection for Britain during their lives, and gloried in calling her her their home and their mother country ; but this natural impression wears away from the second, and is entirely obliterated in the third. Among the plant ers in all the colonies this was manifestly the case ; the fons of Englishmen in America by degrees loft their affection for England, and it was remarkable, that the most violent enemies to Scotland were the descendants of Scotchmen.

But among merchants, the attachment to any particular country is still sooner lost. Men whose great object is money, and whose business is to gather it as falt as possible, in fact retain a predilection for any country no longer than it affords them the greatest ad vantages. They are citizens of the world at large, and provided they gain money, it is a matter of indif. ference to them to what country they trade, and from what quarter of the globe it comcs. England is the beit country for them, so long as it allows them to reap the greatest profits in the way of traffic ; and when that is not the case, a trade with France, Spain, or Holland will answer better. If the laws of Great Britain interfere with their favourite views and inte refts, merchants will endeavour to elude them, and smuggle in spite of legal authority.

Of late years, although the trade of the colonies with the mother country had increased beyond the hopes of the most fanguine politicians, yet the American merchants could not be confined to it, but carried on a contra band trade with the colonies of France and Spain, in defiance of all the British laws of trade and navigation. This illicit trade the people had found very advantage ous, having their returns in specie for their provisions and goods, and the vast number of creeks and rivers in America proved favourable to such finugglers.

During the late war this trade had been made a treasonable pra & tice, as it served to supply those islands which Britain wanted to reduce ; but, after the conclusion of the war, it returned to its former channel, and increafed beyond example in any past period.

To prevent this illicit commerce, it was found neceffary, foon after the peace, to establiifh fome new regulations in the trade of the colonies. For this purpose some armed floops and cutters were stationed on the coasts of America, whose commanders had authority to act as revenue officers, and seize all ships involved in the contraband trade, whether be longing to foreigners or fellow - subjects. And to ren der thcfe commercial regulations the more effectual, courts of admiralty were erected, and invested with a jurisdiction more extensive than usual. In consequence of the restrictions laid on this trade, which the smug glers found fo advantageous, it suffered much, and, notwithstanding the number of creeks and rivers, was almost annihilated.

This occasioned some very fpiri. ted representations to be sent across the Atlantic by merchants, who declared that the Americans bought annually to the amount of three millions of British commodities : That their trade with the French and Spanifh colonies took off such goods as ' remained an incumbrance on their hands, and made returns in specie, to the mutual advantage of both parties concerned in it, They complained, that the British fhips of war were converted into Guarda Costas, and their commanders into custom-house oficers ; an employment utterly unworthy of the exalted character of the Britih navy : That naval officers were very unfit for this business in which they were employed, being naturally imperious in their tempers, and little acquainted with the various cases in which ships were liable to penalties, or in which they were exempted from detention : That that branch of trade was thereby ruined, by which alone they were furnished with gold and filver for making remittances to England ; and that though the loss fell first upon them, it would ulti mately fall on the commerce and revenue of Great Britain.

[Sugar Act]

Soon after this an act of parliament was passed, which, while it in some respects rendered this commercial intercourse with the foreign settlements le gal, at the same time loaded a great part of the trade with duties, and ordered the money arising from them to be paid in fpecie to the British exchequer. Instead of giving the colonists any relief, this oc casioned greater murmurs and complaints among them, as it manifestly tended to drain the provinces of their gold and silver.

[Currency Act]

At the same time another act was passed, for preventing such paper bills of credit aš might afterwards be issued for the conveniency of their internal commerce, from being made a legal tender in the payment of debts. This served to multiply their grievances, and aggravate their distress. But that the provinces might be supplied with money for their internal trade, all gold and silver arising from these duties were to be reserved, and applied to the particular purpose of paying troops stationed in the colonies for their defence.

[Other Acts]

Several new regulations for encouraging their trade with Great Britain were also established. In consequence of a petition for opening more ports for the rice trade, leave was granted to the provinces of South Carolina and Geor. gia to carry their rice for a limited time into foreign parts, on its paying British duties at the place of exportation. A bounty was given on hemp and un dressed flax imported into Britain from the American colonies ; and a bill was passed for encouraging the whale fishery on the coasts of America : which advan. tages, it was thought, would amply compensate for any loss the colonies might sustain by the duties laid on their foreign trade. But the colonists, especially those in New England, who had advanced to such a degree of strength as rendered troops unnecessary for their defence, were too much foured in their tem pers, to allow that Great Britain had any other than felf - interelted views in her whole conduct towards them. They murmured and complained, and refol. ved on a plan of retrenchment with respect to the pur chafing of British manufactures.; but still they pre fumed not openly to call in question the authority of the British legiflature over them. But the time was at hand when their affection to the mother country, which was already considerably weaned, should under go a greater trial, and when their real dispositions with respect to the obedience due to the British par liament would no longer be concealed.

[Stamp Act]

A vote paffed in the House of Commons, “ That, towards defraying of the necessary expences of protecting the colonies, it may be proper to charge certain stamp - duties upon them. "

When the news of this determination reached Ame. rica, all the colonies were in fome degree uneasy at the thoughts of paying taxes ; but the colonists of New England, as if ripe for some commotion, were alarmed with the most terrible apprehenfions and supicions, openly affirming, that the King, Lords and Commons had formed a design for enslaving them, and had now begun deliberately to put it in execution. Immediately people entered into associations for distressing the mother country, from a principle of resentment, as some thought, agreeing to purchase as few clothes and goods from her as possible, and to encourage manufactures of all kinds within themselves. They pretend that they were driven to such measures by necessity ; but in reality they had nothing less in view than their favourite plan of independence, for the accomplishment of which it required time to secure the union and help of the other colonies, without which they plainly perceived all attempts of their own would be vain and fruitless.

[Committees of Correspondence]

Accordingly they cstablished a correspondence with fome leading men in each colo ny, representing the conduet of Great Britain in the most odious light, and declaring that nothing could prevent them and their posterity from being made Naves but the firmest union and most vigorous oppo fition of every colony, to all laws made in Great Bri tain on purpose to raise a revenue in the plantations. A few discontented persons, who are coinmonly to be found in every legislature, joined the disaffected colonists of New England ; and though at this time the party was inconsiderable, yet being more firınly ce mented together by the prospect of a stamp - act, which equally affected the interest of all, it by degrees gain ed strength, and at length became formidable.

Such measures, however, did not intimidate the British ministers, who imagined that an affociation entered into from a principle of resentment would be of short duration, and that the colonies in general would be averse from any serious quarrel with the mo. ther country, upon which they depended for safety and protection. And although they were well apprised of this sullen and obstinate disposition of the colonists before the bill was introduced, yet they took no measures for preventing that opposition, which they had reason to believe would be made to the execution of their law.

On the contrary, time was imprudently given to found the temper of the colonies with respect to it, and to give them an opportunity of offering a compensation for it in their own way, in case they were dissatisfied with that method of raising a revenue for their defence. The minister even signified to the agents of the colonies his readiness to receive proposals from them for any other tax that might be equivalent to the stamp duty. This he did although he thought that the parliament not only had a right to tax them, but also that it was expedient and proper to exercise that right. For as the colonies had no common council empowered by their constitution to bind all, their taxing themselves equally and impartially would be a matter of great difficulty, even although they should be disposed to agree to it. But the colonies, instead of making any proposal for rai sing a revenue by a stamp - duy or any other way, sent home petitions to be presented to King, Lords, and Commons, questioning, in the most direct and positive terms, the jurisdiction of Parliament over their properties.

In this situation of affairs, the Parliament, sensible of the heavy burden which already lay on the people of Great Britain, and of the addition to it which an. other war must occasion, thought it their indispen sable duty to exert that authority, which before this time had never been called in question, for relieving this oppressed part of the nation, and providing for the common safety, by a charge impartially laid upon all subjects, in proportion to their abilities. The ten der indulgence exercised by a parent over her children in their infant state, was now considered as both un reasonable and unnecessary in that state of maturity to which the colonies had advanced.

All were obliged to confess, that the people of America were favoured with the same privileges and advantages with their fellow fubjects of Britain, and justice required that they should contribute to the necessary expences of that government under which they lived, and by which they were protected. A revenue was necessary to the future security of America ; and on whom should it be raised, but those colonists who were to enjoy the benefit of such protection.

Therefore the bill for laying a stamp duty upon the colonies was brought into parliament ; which, after much debate, and many strong arguments urged on both sides, passed through both houfes, and received the royal affent by commission, on the 22d of March, 1765. At the fame time, to compensate for the operations of the stanip-act, another was made to encourage the importation of all kinds of tinber from the colonies into Britain : and as the estimated produce of the stamp - act amounted only to L. 60,000 per annum, and timber was so plentiful over all the plantations, it was thought that the great advantage which the colonies must reap from the latter act, would be an ample recompense for the loss they might sustain from the former.

In the mean time the inhabitants of New England were industrious in spreading an alarm of danger over all the continent, and making all possible preparations for resistance. They had turned a jealous eye towards the mother country, where they had many friends em ployed to watch her conduct, who failed not to give them the earliest intelligence of what was doing in parliament. While they received the news that the lamp - act had passed, they at the same time had intel ligence of that violent opposition it had met with from a strong faction in the House of Commons. And if their friends in Britain had the coldness to call in question both the right of the British legislature to impofe taxes on the colonies, and the expediency of exercising that right, they thought that they had much better reason to do so ; and that none deserved the blessing of liberty who had not courage to affert their right to it.

Accordingly, no means were neglected that could inflame and exasperate the populace. Bold and feditious speeches were made to stir up the people to resistance, by representing the act in the most odi ous light, and affirming that it would be attended with consequences subversive of all their invaluable rights and privileges. They declared that silence was a crime at such a critical time, and that a tame sub mission to the stamp - act would leave their liberties and properties entirely at the disposal of a British parliainent. Having obtained a copy of the act, they publicly burnt it. The ships in the harbours hung out their colours half - mast high, in token of the deepest mourning ; the bells in the churches were muffled, and set a - ringing, to communicate the melancholy news from one parish to another.

These flames, kindled in New England, foon spread through all the capital towns along the coast ; so that there was scarce. ly a sea-port town in America in which combinations were not framed for opposing the introduction of stamp - paper. When the vessels arrived which carried those stamp papers to America, the captains were obliged to take felter under the stern of some ships of war, or to furrender their cargoes into the hands of the enraged populace. The gentlemen appointed to superintend the distribution of stamps, were met by the mob at their landing, and compelled to resign their office. All men suspected of having any desire of complying with the act, or of favouring the introduction of stamps into America, were insulted and abused.

The governors of the provinces had no military force to support civil authority. The magistrates connived at these irregular and riotous proceedings of the people. The assemblies adopted the arguments of the minority in parliament, and took encouragement from them to resist the authority of the supreme legislature. Though each colony in respect of another was a separate and independent society, without any political connection, or any supreme head to call the representatives of the people together, to act in concert for the common good ; yet in this case almost all, of their own autho rity, sent deputies to meet in congress at New York, who drew up and signed one general declaration of their rights, and of the grievances under which they laboured, and transinitted a petition to the King, Lords and Commons, imploring relief.

[Reacting to the Stamp Act in SC]

AMONG the rest a party in South Carolina, which province at this time, from inclination, duty and interest, was very firmly attached to the mother country, entered warmly into the general opposition. Lieutenant-governor Buil, a native of the province, manifested a desire of complying with the act, and fupporting the legal and constitutional dependency of the colony on the crown and parliament of Great Britain ; but wanted power sufficient for maintaining the dignity and authority of his government, and carrying that act into execution. Several old and wise men joined him, and declared that they had formerly taken an active part in bringing the province under his majesty's care, but would now be very cautious of refifting the authority of parliament, and robbing it of that protection which it had so long and so happily enjoy ed.

The members of assembly, finding the Lieutenant governor determined to transact no public business but in compliance with the act of Parliament, began to deliberate how they might best elude it.  For this purpose, they addressed him, begging to be informed whether the stamp-act, said to be passed in Parliament, had been transmitted to him by the Secretary of State, the Lords of Trade ; or any other authentic channel, since he considered himself as under obligations to enforce it. He replied, that he had received it from Thomas Boone, the Governor of the province. The assembly declared, that they could consider Mr. Boone, while out of the bounds of his government, in no other light than that of a private gentleman, and that his receiving it in such a channel was not authority fufficient to oblige him to execute fo grievous an act. But Mr. Bull and his council were of opinion, that the channel in which he had received it was equally authentic with that in which he had formerly received many laws, to which they had quietly fub nitted.  Upon which the assembly came to the following resolutions, which were signed by Peter Manigault their speaker, and ordered to be printed, that they might be trans mitted to posterity, in order to flew the sense of that house with respect to the obedience due by America to the Britisli parlianient.

« RESOLVED, That his Majesty's subjects in Carolina owe the same allegiance to the crown of Great Britain that is due from its subjects born there. That his Majesty's liege subjects of this “ province are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain. That the inhabitants “ of this province appear also to be confirmed in all he rights aforementioned, not only by their charter, but by an act of parliament, 13th George II. "

That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a “ people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent. That the people of this province are not, and from their local circumstances cannot be represented in the House of Commons in Great “ Britain ; and farther, that, in the opinion of this house, the several powers of legislation in America were constituted in fome measure upon the apprehension of this inpracticability. That the only representatives of the people of this province are persons chosen therein by themselves ; “ and that no taxes ever have been, or can be, constitutionally imposed on them but by the legislature “ of this province.

That all supplies to the Crown “being free gifts of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of the British conftitution for the people of Great Britain to grant to his Majesty the property of the people of this province.

That trial by jury is the inherent and invaluable right of every British subject in this province.

That the act of parliament, " entitled, An act for granting and applying certain * stamp.duties and other duties on the British colonies and plantations in America, o c. by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of this province ; and the faid act and several other acts, by extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond its “ ancient limits, have a manifest tendency to subvert " the rights and liberties of this province.

That the duties imposed by several late acts of parliament is on the people of this province will be extremely • burdensome and grievous ; and, from the scarcity " of gold and silver, the payınent of them absolutely impracticable.

That as the profits of the trade “ of the people of this provincc ultimately center in Great Britain, to pay for the manufactures which they are obliged to take from thence, they eventually contribute very largely to all the supplies “ granted to the Crown ; and besides, as every in “ dividual in this province is as advantageous at least to Great Britain as if he were in Great Britain, as they pay their full proportion of taxes for the support of his Majesty's government here, ( which taxes are equal, or more, in proportion to our " estates, than those paid by our fellow.subjects in “ Great Britain upon theirs ), it is unreasonable for them to be called upon to pay any further part of " the charges of government there.

That the assemblies of this province have from time to time, whenever requisitions have been made to them by his Majesty, for carrying on military operations, “ either for the defence of themselves or America “ in general, most cheerfully and liberally contribu 6 ted their full proportion of men and moncy for “ these services. That though the representatives of " the people of this province had cqual assurances " and reasons with those of the other provinces, to “ expect a proportional reimbursement of those im “ mense charges they had been at for his Majesty's “ service in the late war, out of the several parlia. " mentary grants for the use of America ; yet they “ have obtained only their proportion of the first of " those grants, and the small sum of L. 285 sterling so received since. That, notwithstanding, whenever his “ Majesty's service shall for the future require the aids 1 of the inhabitants of this province, and they shall “ be called upon for this purpose in a constitutional way, it shall be their indispensible duty most cheer. “ fully and liberally to grant to his Majesty their “ proportion, according to their ability, of men and money, for the defence, security, and other public << services of the British American colonies. That " the restrictions on the trade of the people of this “ province, together with the late duties and taxes imposed on them by act of parliament, must ne “ cessarily greatly lessen the consumption of British " manufactures amongst them. That the increase, “ prosperity and happiness of the people of this pro “ vince, depend on the full and free enjoyment of “ their rights and liberties, and on an affectionate « intercourse with Great Britain. That the readiness “ of the colonies to comply with his Majesty's requi. “ fitions, as well as their inability to bear any addi “ tional taxes beyond what is laid on them by their “ respective legislatures, is apparent from several grants of parliament, to reimburse them part of “ the heavy expences they were at in the late war in " America.

That it is the right of the British sub jects of this province to petition the King, or either “ house of parliament.

Ordered, That these votes “ be printed and made public, that a just sense of the “ liberty, and the firm sentiments of loyalty of the “ representatives of the people of this province, may “ be known to their constituents, and transmitted to posterity.

 

NOTWITHSTANDING these resolutions, few of the inhabitants of Carolina, even the most fanguine, en tertained the smallest hopes of a repeal ; but expect ed, after all their struggles, that they would be ob liged to submit. Indeed a very small force in the province at that time would have been sufficient to quell the tumults and insurrections of the people, and enforce obedience to legal authority. But to the imprudence of ministers, the faction in parliament, and the weakness of the civil power in America, the resistance of the colonies may be ascribed. Had the ftamp - duty been laid on them without any previous notice of the resolution of parliament, it is not im probable that they would have received it as they had done other acts of the British legislature. Or had the parliament been unanimous in passing the act, and taken proper measures for carrying it into execution, there is little doubt but the colonies would have submitted to it. For however generally the people might position te be indisposed for admitting of that or any other tax, yet a great majority of them at this time were averse from calling in question the supreme authority of the British parliament.

But a small flame, which at first is casily extinguished, when perunitted to spread, has often been productive of great conflagrations. The riotous and turbulent party, encouraged by the minority in England, set the feeble power of govern ment in America at defiance. The better fort of people mingled with the rioters, and made use of the arguments of their friends in England to infiame and exasperate them. At length, they not only agreed to adhere to their former illegal combinations for di stresling and starving the English manufactures, but also to withhold from British merchants their just debts. This they imagined would raise fuch com motions in Britain as could not fail to overturn the ministry, or intimidate the parliament.

In consequence of these disturbances and combi. nations in America, great evils began to be felt in England, and fill greater to be feared. The tem porary interruption of commercial intercourse between the mother country and the colonies was very preju dicial to both. That large body of people engaged in preparing, purchasing and sending out goods to the continent were deprived of employment, and con sequently of the means of subiiltence ; than which nothing could be conceived more likely to excite commotions in England. The revenue suffered by the want of the export and import duties. Petitions flowed into parliament from all quarters, not only from the colonies in America, but also from the trading and manufacturing towns in Great Britain, praying for such relief as that house night seem expedient, at a juncture so alarming. The ministers having neglected to take the proper measures to enforce their law, while the matter was easy and practicable, were now obliged to yield to the rising current, and resign their places.

By the interposition of the duke of Cumberland, such a change in the administration took place as promised an alteration of measures with respect to America, Mr. Pitt, who highly disapproved of the scheme for raising a revenue from the colonies, having long been detained by indisposition from parliament, had now so much recovered as to be able to attend the house.

 

[Repeal of the Stamp Act]

The history of what follows is difgraceful to Great Britain, being entirely composed of lenient concessions in favour of a rising usurpation, and of such shameful weakness and timidity in the ministry, as afterwards rendered the authority of the British parliament in America feeble and contemptible.  

No sooner had this change in administration taken place, than all papers and petitions relative to the stamp - act, both from Great Britain and America, were ordered to be laid before the House of Com mons. The house resolved itself into a committee, to consider of those papers, about the beginning of the year 1766. Leave was given to bring in a bill for repealing an act of last session of parliament, entitled An act for granting and applying certain stamp - dutieş and other duties, in the Britis colonies and planta tions in Ainerica, towards defraying the expences of protecting and securing the fanie. When this bill came into parliament a warm debate ensued, and Mr. Pilt with several more members strongly urged the neceflity of a repeal. He made a distinction between external and internal taxes, and denied not only the right of parliament to impose the latter on the colonics, but allo the justice, equity, policy and expediency of exercising that right.

Accordingly, wliile it was declared that the King, by and with the consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, had, have, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and vali. dity to bind the colonies and people of America, sub jects of the crown of Great Britain, in all cases what soever ; the stamp - act was repealed, because it appear ed that the continuance of it would be attended with many inconveniencies, and might be productive of consequences detrimental to the commercial interest of these kingdoms.

[Stamp Act Repeal Tees Up Revolt]

This concession in favour of the rising ufurpation, instead of proving favourable to the commercial interests of the nation, had rather the contrary effect, and served to set the colonies in some measure free from the legislative authority of Britain. It gave such importance to the licentious party in America, and such superiority over the good and loyal subjects as had a manifest tendency to throw the colonies into a state of anarchy and confusion. It served to promote a doc trine among them subversive of all good government, which plainly implied, that the obedience of fubjects was no longer due to the laws of the supreme legisla ture, than they in their private judgments might think them agreeable to their interest, or the particular no tions which they may have framed of a free constitu tion. While it gave countenance and encouragement to the riotous and turbulent subjects in America, who at that time were neither an opulent nor respectable party in the colonies, it exposed the real friends of government to popular prejudice, and rendered their affections more cool, and their future endeavours in support of government more feeble and ineffectual. For after repealing the stamp - act, without any previous submission on the part of the colonies, how could it be expected that any gentleman would risque his domestic peace, his fortune, or his life, in favour of a distant go vernment ready to desert him, and leave him subject ed to all the insults and outrages of future insurgents ? How could it be imagined that these colonies, that had set the power of Great Britain at defiance, and obtained what they aimed at by tumults and insurrec tions, would afterwards remain quiet ?

As they had opposed the stamp - act, assigning for reason that they were not represented in parliament, was it not evi dent that the same reason would extend to all other laws which the parliament might enact to bind them in times to come, or had enacted to bind them in times past ? The repeal of the stamp - act upon sucht a principle, and in such circumstances of tumult, unquestionably served to encourage the colonies in dif obedience, and to prepare their minds for asserting their independence.

When the news of the repeal of this act reached America, it afforded the colonists, as might have been expected, matter of great triumph. The most extravagant demonstrations of joy, by bonfires, illuminations and ringing of bells, were exhibited in every capital.  The Carolineans sent to England for a marble statue of Mr. Pitt, and erected it in the iniddle of Charlestown, in grateful remembrance of the noble ständ he had made in defence of their rights and liberties. Ad dresses were sent home to the King, acknowledging the wisdom and justice of his governinent in the repeal of the grievous act, and expresiing their happiness that their former harmony and cominercial intercourse, so beneficial to both countries, were restored.

But soon after it appeared that the power of Great Britain in America had received a fatal blow, such as she would never be able to recover without the feverest Itruggles and boldest exertions. For whatever fair proteslions of friendship fome colonies might make, the strongest of them retained their natural aversion to monarchy, and were well disposed for undermining the civil establishments, and paving the way for their entire subversion. The British government, formerly so much revered, was now deemed oppressive and tyrannical. The little island, they said, had become jealous of their dawning power and splendour, and it behoved every one to watch her conduct with a sharp eye, and carefully guard their civil and religious liberties.

Accordingly, for the future, we will find, that the more Great Britain seemed to a void, the more the colonies seemed to seek for ; grounds of quarrel ; and the more the former studied to unite, by the ties of common interest, the more the latter strove to diffolve every political and com mercial connection. Their minds and affections being alienated from the mother country, they next discovered an uneasiness under the restraints of legal authority. They quarrelled almost with every go vernor, found fault with all instructions froin Eng land which clashed with their leading passions and interests, and made use of every art for weakening the hands of civil government. Their friends in Bri tain had gloried that they had resisted ; and now subjection of every kind was called slavery, and the spirit of disorder and disobedience which had broke out continued and prevailed. At length, even the navigation - act was deemed a yoke, which they wilh ed to shake off, and throw their commerce open to the whole world.

Several writers appeared in Ame rica in defence of what they were pleased to call their natural rights, who had a lucky talent of seasoning their compositions to the palate of the bulk of the people. Hence the seeds of disaffection which had Sprung up in New England spread through the other colonies, insomuch that multitudes becaine infected with republican principles, and aspired after indepen dence. - But here we shall stop. for the present time, and leave the account of their farther struggles to wards the accomplihment of this favourite plan to fome future opportunity.