South Carolina Hurricane Season - 1 June - Nov. 30
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1700 3 Sept. Hurricane:
The hurricane of September 3, 1700, cannot be measured according to the Saffir-Simpson scale, but it was certainly among the most powerful of the many storms that have been recorded in Charleston's history. The heavy rain and wind terrified the populace, destroying rice and grain crops ready for harvest, toppling thousands of trees and dozens of buildings, and damaging many more. A few houses were "washed down into ye River," but it was the wreckage of ships in the harbor that fascinated Englishman Edward Hyrne.
Writing home to his wife, Hyrne detailed the destruction: "the greatest mischief fell amongst the shipping, of which about a dozen sail of all sorts were riding at anchor before the town, some of which were driven on shore and broke all in pieces, some were carried a great way up into the marshes and one (a brigantine of about 80 tons) driven clear over the point of land which parts two rivers into Ashley River, in her way breaking down a pair of gallows (from which eight pirates at once were hanged since my coming here).... Captain Man was riding at anchor near the bar, ready to sail, but he was forced to cut away his main and mizzen-masts and much ado to save his ship so; he will make a miserable voyage….
"The greatest and most deplorable loss of all was that of a great Scotch ship called the Rising Sun, which … was riding at anchor [outside the] bar, with design to come in here and refit…. The storm rose and she foundered at anchor, the captain and all the Scots on board, being about 100, miserably perishing."
About a dozen passengers from the Rising Sun avoided the fate of their fellows through a remarkable series of events. Weeks earlier, the ship had sailed from a failed Scottish colony at Darien, on the Isthmus of Panama. After taking severe damage in the storm off Florida, her captain headed north for Charleston, the closest British settlement. On board were refugees from Darien: settlers, sailors, and religious missionaries. When the crippled vessel arrived outside Charleston Harbor, a small party went into town to arrange for repairs.
Members of the congregation of the White Meeting House (now Circular Congregational Church), where Presbyterians, Congregationalists, French Huguenots and other Dissenters worshipped together, soon got news that a Presbyterian minister was aboard the idle Rising Sun. They were without a regular pastor, and immediately sent him an invitation to preach. Therefore Archibald Stobo with his wife, Elizabeth, and a few of the ship's crew, were on shore when the cyclone struck. Stobo was stranded, and the White Meeting House called him to a permanent position.
After four years at the White Meeting House, Archibald Stobo moved on to other congregations. Under his leadership, Dissenters from Cainhoy to Jacksonboro and on several of the Sea Islands were organized as Presbyterian congregations.
Calhoun, Jeanne A. The Scourging Wrath of God: Early Hurricanes in Charleston, 1700-1804. The Charleston Museum Leaflet No. 29. The Charleston Museum, 1983.
Fick, Sarah. James Island Presbyterian Church. 300 Years of History. James Island Presbyterian Church, 2006.
Lilly, Edward G. Beyond the Burning Bush. First (Scots) Presbyterian Church, Charleston, South Carolina. Charleston, 1971.
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1752 Sept. 14-15 Hurricane
The mid-September, 1752, cyclone was "the most violent and terrible hurricane that ever was felt in this province." Strong winds began the evening of September 14, becoming more violent as the storm blew closer. Rain sluiced down steadily through the early morning, and a terrifying night gave way to a horrifying day.
The storm surge poured in about 9:00 AM, overflowing seawalls and creek beds. Before 11 o'clock, nearly all the vessels in Charleston Harbor were on shore, some driven into the marsh, some riding the flood to crash into wharves and buildings. A ship blew up Vanderhorst’s Creek as far as Meeting Street, carrying away a corner of the “new Baptist house” near the creek. Only the HMS Hornet, a fourteen-gun sloop of war, rode out the storm.
Water had risen more than ten feet above the normal high-water mark, the sea covering the entire peninsula, and high tide was not expected for another two hours. With many houses flooded neck deep, panicked people fled to the upper floors and "contemplated a speedy termination of their lives." Their reprieve was deemed an act of Providence. The wind shifted, the tide ebbed, and the water flowed out as quickly as it had come in (the South-Carolina Gazette reported it fell five feet in ten minutes). By three o'clock Friday afternoon, September 15, the wind had died completely and the storm was gone.
The hurricane "reduced this Town to a very melancholy situation." Although there are no accurate figures of the deaths or injuries, many drowned; others were killed or dangerously injured when houses fell apart.
An estimated five hundred buildings were destroyed completely; broken chimneys, lost roofing tiles and slates, shattered windows, and dislodged foundations were universal. All the wharves and piers were smashed, every building upon them beaten down and carried away.
Likewise, fortifications along the waterfront sustained heavy damage, most of their cannon dismounted. Granville's Bastion was "much shaken, the upper part of the wall beat in, the platform with the guns upon it floated partly over the wall."
Craven’s Bastion was flooded, and surveyor general George Hunter reported a great loss: the cases containing “all the original warrants of survey, duplicates of plats and books of records … were overset and burst open, floating about in four and a half feet salt water, and are thereby much injured and defaced and some lost…”
Not two weeks later, on September 30, another strong cyclone blew through the Lowcountry. It passed through Charleston in only a few hours, but ruined crops and livestock through the region. With the threat of winter food shortages, the government set tight limits on exporting "corn, pease and small rice" to ensure moderate prices on essential provisions.
Bates, Susan Baldwin, and Harriott Cheves Leland, eds. Proprietary Records of South Carolina.
Volume Three: Abstracts of the Records of the Surveyor General of The Province, Charles Towne, 1678-1698. Charleston: History Press, 2007.
Fraser, Walter J., Jr. Lowcountry Hurricanes. Three Centuries of Storms at Sea and Ashore. Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2006.
Rubillo, Tom. Hurricane Destruction in South Carolina: Hell and High Water. Charleston: The History Press, 2006.
South-Carolina Gazette, September 19, 1752.
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South Carolina was struck by four major hurricanes during the colonial period. Colonists became constantly aware of the threat these storms posed and their effects even on warfare.[29]
The 1752 hurricane caused massive damage to homes, businesses, shipping, outlying plantation buildings and the rice crop; about 95 people died. Charles Town, the capital, was the fifth-largest city in British North America at the time.
1740 Fire - 18 Nov. 1740
In less than twenty-four hours, the fire of November 18, 1740, destroyed more than three hundred dwellings and commercial buildings, along with countless outbuildings and several wharves. Breaking out at two o'clock on a Tuesday afternoon, the fast-moving blaze obliterated the section of Charleston from Granville's Bastion (at today's 40 East Bay Street) northwest to the corner of Broad and Church streets, including all the houses on the west side of Church Street.
The South-Carolina Gazette reported that "the wind blowing pretty fresh at northwest carried the flakes of fire so far, and by that means set houses on fire at such a distance, that it was not possible to prevent the spreading of it."
Urban firefighters relied on demolition to limit the spread of a fire. As flames leapt from house to house, buildings, especially those of frame construction, were leveled to create firebreaks. Charleston's elected firemasters were authorized take whatever measures were necessary to stop a fire, and their orders had the force of law. Nevertheless, very often they found themselves relying on military men to carry out their directives. In 1740, although residents poured into the endangered area to help with bucket brigades, the "assistance given by the Commanders of His Majesty's ships was very considerable, in pulling down and blowing up houses."
On November 19, Lt. Governor William Bull issued a proclamation: "Whereas it may be of the utmost consequence to the preservation of the remaining part of Charles-Town, that all possible means should be used for the speedy extinguishing of the fire, which still continues burning, I have therefore by and with the advice and consent of his Majesty's Council, thought fit to issue this my proclamation, hereby enjoining all the inhabitants of the said town, and others, by themselves and slaves, to give all possible assistance for the speedy extinguishing the said fire." The militia was ordered under arms, to prevent pilfering and theft, and together with detachments from the royal ships Phenix, Tartar and Spence, a party of troopers patrolled up Charleston Neck as far as the Quarter House.
In a separate notice, Lt. Gov. Bull appealed to "all Christian and well disposed people" to contribute to the support of families who would not survive without charitable assistance. These donations were administered through the vestry of St. Philip's Parish, in the form of loans or grants to small businesspeople and direct handouts to the very poor, especially women with dependent children. The Crown also promised £20,000 sterling for those "most affected." Granted according to the losses of the claimants, these funds mostly distributed among the wealthy men and merchant houses whose financial losses were significant. Together, the private and public efforts shored up Charleston's commercial sector and alleviated the hardships of those left homeless in late autumn.
Newspaper advertisements beginning the week after the fire show merchants and craftsmen scrambling to reorganize their businesses. Hill & Guerard moved their store to Col. Samuel Prioleau's in Church Street, "where they sell the goods they have saved from the fire at reasonable rates." Thomas Gates moved into Mr. Withers's house near the French Church, where he continued to sell rum, sugar, wine and other goods; John McCall moved from Tradd Street to Mr. Hutchinson's corner house in Union Street, where he sold ready-made clothes and other goods. John Scott, gunmaker, being burnt out from the corner of Broad Street, moved a few blocks away; Henry Williams, burnt out of his house on the Bay, moved to Mr. Vaughan's, where he continued "keeping a house of entertainment as usual."
Women were part of Charleston's commercial landscape, and part of the diaspora from the burned district. Mary Hext's house was lost, so she rented a "convenient airy house … [where] any person in the country may have their daughters boarded and taught in a true and faithful manner, at a reasonable cost." Innkeeper Mary Bedon, who had three children, "took the house where Mr. Carr lately kept tavern, where all gentlemen that will be so kind as to be her customers shall meet with the best reception and entertainment in her power," and Catharine Joor, shopkeeper, moved to Mr. Packerow's house at the west end of Tradd Street, where she sold "most sorts of dry goods as usual." Neither Ms. Bedon nor Ms. Joor managed to support themselves through the winter. In February 1741 both of them received aid from St. Philip's Parish.
Crooks, Daniel J., Jr. Charleston is Burning. Two Centuries of Fire and Flames. Charleston: The History Press, 2009.
Mulcahy, Matthew. "The Great Fire of 1740 and the Politics of Disaster Relief in Colonial Charleston." South Carolina Historical Magazine, Vol. 99, No. 2 (1998).
South-Carolina Gazette, November 13-20, November 20-27, November 27-December 4, 1740.
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Great Charleston Fire of 1778 - 15 Jan. 17781740 Fire - 18 Nov. 1740
In less than twenty-four hours, the fire of November 18, 1740, destroyed more than three hundred dwellings and commercial buildings, along with countless outbuildings and several wharves. Breaking out at two o'clock on a Tuesday afternoon, the fast-moving blaze obliterated the section of Charleston from Granville's Bastion (at today's 40 East Bay Street) northwest to the corner of Broad and Church streets, including all the houses on the west side of Church Street.
The South-Carolina Gazette reported that "the wind blowing pretty fresh at northwest carried the flakes of fire so far, and by that means set houses on fire at such a distance, that it was not possible to prevent the spreading of it."
Urban firefighters relied on demolition to limit the spread of a fire. As flames leapt from house to house, buildings, especially those of frame construction, were leveled to create firebreaks. Charleston's elected firemasters were authorized take whatever measures were necessary to stop a fire, and their orders had the force of law. Nevertheless, very often they found themselves relying on military men to carry out their directives. In 1740, although residents poured into the endangered area to help with bucket brigades, the "assistance given by the Commanders of His Majesty's ships was very considerable, in pulling down and blowing up houses."
On November 19, Lt. Governor William Bull issued a proclamation: "Whereas it may be of the utmost consequence to the preservation of the remaining part of Charles-Town, that all possible means should be used for the speedy extinguishing of the fire, which still continues burning, I have therefore by and with the advice and consent of his Majesty's Council, thought fit to issue this my proclamation, hereby enjoining all the inhabitants of the said town, and others, by themselves and slaves, to give all possible assistance for the speedy extinguishing the said fire." The militia was ordered under arms, to prevent pilfering and theft, and together with detachments from the royal ships Phenix, Tartar and Spence, a party of troopers patrolled up Charleston Neck as far as the Quarter House.
In a separate notice, Lt. Gov. Bull appealed to "all Christian and well disposed people" to contribute to the support of families who would not survive without charitable assistance. These donations were administered through the vestry of St. Philip's Parish, in the form of loans or grants to small businesspeople and direct handouts to the very poor, especially women with dependent children. The Crown also promised £20,000 sterling for those "most affected." Granted according to the losses of the claimants, these funds mostly distributed among the wealthy men and merchant houses whose financial losses were significant. Together, the private and public efforts shored up Charleston's commercial sector and alleviated the hardships of those left homeless in late autumn.
Newspaper advertisements beginning the week after the fire show merchants and craftsmen scrambling to reorganize their businesses. Hill & Guerard moved their store to Col. Samuel Prioleau's in Church Street, "where they sell the goods they have saved from the fire at reasonable rates." Thomas Gates moved into Mr. Withers's house near the French Church, where he continued to sell rum, sugar, wine and other goods; John McCall moved from Tradd Street to Mr. Hutchinson's corner house in Union Street, where he sold ready-made clothes and other goods. John Scott, gunmaker, being burnt out from the corner of Broad Street, moved a few blocks away; Henry Williams, burnt out of his house on the Bay, moved to Mr. Vaughan's, where he continued "keeping a house of entertainment as usual."
Women were part of Charleston's commercial landscape, and part of the diaspora from the burned district. Mary Hext's house was lost, so she rented a "convenient airy house … [where] any person in the country may have their daughters boarded and taught in a true and faithful manner, at a reasonable cost." Innkeeper Mary Bedon, who had three children, "took the house where Mr. Carr lately kept tavern, where all gentlemen that will be so kind as to be her customers shall meet with the best reception and entertainment in her power," and Catharine Joor, shopkeeper, moved to Mr. Packerow's house at the west end of Tradd Street, where she sold "most sorts of dry goods as usual." Neither Ms. Bedon nor Ms. Joor managed to support themselves through the winter. In February 1741 both of them received aid from St. Philip's Parish.
Crooks, Daniel J., Jr. Charleston is Burning. Two Centuries of Fire and Flames. Charleston: The History Press, 2009.
Mulcahy, Matthew. "The Great Fire of 1740 and the Politics of Disaster Relief in Colonial Charleston." South Carolina Historical Magazine, Vol. 99, No. 2 (1998).
South-Carolina Gazette, November 13-20, November 20-27, November 27-December 4, 1740.
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This fire began in the "bake-house of one Moore at the north end of Union Street." Detected at 4:00 AM, January 15, 1778, its progress was arrested by noon, but already more than 250 houses and innumerable outbuildings had been destroyed. The fire and firefighters leveled all of Union (State) Street, most of Chalmers Alley, the south side of Queen Street from Mrs. Doyley's house to the Bay (East Bay Street), and all but fifteen houses along the Bay from Queen Street south to Granville's Bastion. The north side of Broad Street was in ruins from Mr. Thomas Smith's house to the Bay, and the south side from Mr. Sarrazin's to Mr. Guerard's house. Except for five tenements, every building was lost from the east side of Church Street between Broad Street and Stoll's Alley; Tradd Street east of Church Street was equally devastated. Bedon's Alley and Gadsden's Alley were wrecked, and only two houses remained in Elliott Street. Six people, white and black, had been killed. The Charleston Library Society's leased building in Kinloch’s Court (Philadelphia Alley) was destroyed, along with most of its “valuable collection of books, instruments and apparatus for astronomical and philosophical observations and experiments.”
The chaos of a night fire in eighteenth century Charleston was compounded by the raw fear of residents. People whose dwellings were in the path of the approaching blaze rushed their belongings to the street, trusting firefighters, neighbors, and slaves to carry their goods through the dark streets to a safer place. Thieves rushed in to abscond with valuable possessions under pretext of salvaging the articles. All the while, the Firemasters were observing the wind and the direction of the flames, selecting which houses would be torn down or blown up to create fire breaks.
As happened with most fires, soldiers and mariners played an essential role in stopping the conflagration of 1778. The South-Carolina and American General Gazette offered "much praise to the officers and soldiers quartered in town, who afforded every assistance in their power to the inhabitants…. Capt. Biddle, with a party of his crew, also assisted, as did most of the masters and sailors belonging to the other vessels in harbor." Sailors and soldiers manned the pumps and destroyed houses as directed, while homeowners scurried to protect their families, slaves, animals, and movable goods.
In just one day, hundreds of families were dispossessed. The wealthy and well-connected arranged to rent houses, store their belongings, and provision their kitchens. The less fortunate found themselves destitute in midwinter, without food or shelter. The evening after the fire, it was announced that lodgings and victuals would be provided, at public expense, in the city's public buildings. The next day, South Carolina's General Assembly voted £20,000 for the immediate relief of the sufferers.
For weeks after January 15, people who had lost expensive articles advertised for the return of goods - chests, clothing, rum, wine, books, jewelry, shoes, furniture, paintings - that had been hauled out of their houses in the race against destruction.
Others placed notices of new business locations. Eleanor Potter, burned out, "now lives at Mrs. Stone's, opposite the printing office in Tradd Street, where she carries on the staymaking business as formerly." Jane Stewart, driven from her house in Tradd Street, moved to the Play house, where "she will be glad to accommodate a few gentlemen with board and lodging." James Witter, Jr., moved his store and counting house to the "house where he lives in Church Street, opposite Stoll's Alley and near Young's Bridge, being very convenient to land indigo." Other businessmen had a more difficult time finding a new location. William Cunnington, "burnt out and reduced to a state of indigency," could not immediately find a place to set up his factorage office. The trustees of the Old Baptist Meeting House allowed him to carry on his business there, where he offered for sale a few casks of indigo, promising to get any quantity a customer might desire on a few days notice.
These newspapers advertisements seem to belie the fact that the American colonies had been at war with Britain for nearly two years. However, in early 1778, the battles were being fought in northern states far from the Lowcountry, while Charleston's continuing commerce provided the ready money needed to carry on a war. Colonial South Carolina had sent rice, indigo, and deerskins to the English market; independent South Carolina exported to other European countries, especially France and Holland, and imported weapons, ammunition and gunpowder through Charleston. Many of the men who fought the fire on January 15, 1778, were the crews of trading vessels soon to sail for Europe.
Borick, Carl P. A Gallant Defense, The Siege of Charleston, 1780. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2003.
Crooks, Daniel J., Jr. Charleston is Burning. Two Centuries of Fire and Flames. Charleston: The History Press, 2009.
South-Carolina and American General Gazette, issues beginning January 29, 1778.
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Charleston Fire Watch -
The belfry on the 1761 St. Michael's church was used for many years as a fire lookout. A “steepleman” was posted in the open arcaded area, and if he saw evidence of a fire, would go down the narrow stairs to the “ringing room” and pull eight strokes on a rope attached to the largest bell above. This 1900-pound bell could be heard throughout the old city, and firemen on the old “engine companies” were trained to listen for the signal. From almost any vantage point, they could have seen St. Michael’s steeple, and the steepleman’s next job was to climb back up to the arcade, light a lantern, and hang it on a pole pointing in the direction of the fire.
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Charleston Fire Prevention
2. Capped Chimneys:
The belfry on the 1761 St. Michael's church was used for many years as a fire lookout. A “steepleman” was posted in the open arcaded area, and if he saw evidence of a fire, would go down the narrow stairs to the “ringing room” and pull eight strokes on a rope attached to the largest bell above. This 1900-pound bell could be heard throughout the old city, and firemen on the old “engine companies” were trained to listen for the signal. From almost any vantage point, they could have seen St. Michael’s steeple, and the steepleman’s next job was to climb back up to the arcade, light a lantern, and hang it on a pole pointing in the direction of the fire.
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Charleston Fire Prevention
2. Capped Chimneys:
A famous old look on Charleston roof tops comes from the numerous chimneys “capped” with brick arches open on the sides. The look is distinctive, but the idea is very functional, keeping smoke from backdrafting down the chimneys in the pre-electricity days when ciy houses were heated by coal and wood-burn ing fireplaces.
The brick chimney cap was also sensible preventative against flaming embers that could easily ignite the layers of coal tar or creosote that would build up on the inner walls of the structure from hearths below.
Concern over the combustible capability of chimneys was considerable, and city ordinances in the 18th century created “chimney inspectors”,who had the power to enter private property for the purpose of determining whether chimneys were safe. These inspectors could compel property owners to have their chimneys swept, which was done until well into the 20th century by small boys known as “sweep boys”.
Sweep boys would crawl into fireplaces and squeeze their way up through the narrow chimney passages, scouring with bristled brushes to the roof. An ordinance in 1842 set maximum sweep rates at 6 3/4 cents per floor after a threatened strike by chimney sweeps actually prevailed over Charleston.
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